Bolshevik diplomacy

France’s deep fears about a future German threat sprang in large part from the elimination of Russia as a factor in the European balance. Indeed, the Russian question was at least as important as the German one and absorbed as much time and worry at the peace conference. After Brest-Litovsk, Anglo-French policy turned sharply anti-Bolshevik, and Clemenceau and Foch worked to build a cordon sanitaire in eastern Europe against German and Bolshevik expansion alike. The Lenin regime also repudiated the tsarist debts to Britain and France (the latter being more delicate since most of it dated from before the war and was owed to private bondholders). But Wilson still believed in the innate desire of the Russian people for democracy and searched desperately for ways to end the civil war and liberalize the Reds, the Whites, or both. As early as July 1918 he wrote Colonel Edward House: “I have been sweating blood over what is right and feasible to do in Russia. It goes to pieces like quicksilver under my touch.”

After Brest-Litovsk the Bolsheviks came quickly to a two-track policy toward the West. Their rhetoric still condemned Allied and German imperialists in vitriolic terms, but their deeds aimed at securing their own survival at all costs. These included attempts to open negotiations with Allied governments, to exploit differences among them, to persuade them to withdraw support for the Whites, and to encourage the opposition to intervention in Russia that already existed among French and British workers and soldiers. On the other hand, the Red Terror launched by the Bolsheviks in 1918, including the murder of the royal family, convinced many in the West that this new breed was beyond the pale. U.S. Secretary of State Robert Lansing called Bolshevism “the most hideous and monstrous thing that the human mind has ever conceived.” When, in August 1918, the Cheka (secret police) arrested 200 British and French residents of Moscow, invaded their consulates, and murdered the British naval attaché, opinion spread in Paris and London that the Bolsheviks were thugs and bandits, if not German agents. In the autumn the Allies imposed a blockade on the Moscow regime and broke the last contacts (diplomatic missions and the Red Cross) that still existed.

The Bolsheviks’ paramount need was a breathing spell in which to consolidate their power, mobilize the economy in the lands under their control, and subdue the White armies. By the end of 1918 these forces included the Cossacks of General Anton Denikin in the south, supported by the French from Odessa; the Ukrainian separatists; General Nikolay Yudenich’s army of the Baltic; a puppet government in the north supported by the Anglo-French from Arkhangelsk; and the government of Admiral Aleksandr Kolchak at Omsk in Siberia. American and Japanese troops occupied Vladivostok on the Pacific. The Bolsheviks had also invaded Estonia only to be met by local troops, a British naval squadron, Yudenich’s Russian nationalists, and even General Rüdiger von der Goltz’s German veterans seeking to maintain German authority on the Baltic. Against these disparate and uncoordinated forces the Bolsheviks deployed the Red Army under the command of Leon Trotsky. In the opening stages of the Revolution they experimented with a “people’s army” in which ranks were abolished and officers were elected by the troops. This quickly gave way to traditional military practice and even recruitment of ex-tsarist officers and technicians. By the turn of 1919 the Red Army numbered in the millions.

Lenin instructed the new commissar for foreign affairs, Georgy Chicherin, to try to separate the United States from the Allies. In October and November 1918 he addressed long notes to Wilson protesting Allied intervention and proposing a cease-fire in return for Allied evacuation. Then in December, Maksim Litvinov appealed to Wilson in terms drawn from the Fourteen Points, ending with the plea auditur et altera pars (“let the other side be heard”). Some historians have judged these demarches as a genuine opportunity for early reconciliation between the Bolsheviks and the West. Others consider them the equivalent of the Brest-Litovsk negotiations with the Germans, a “peace offensive” designed to serve the internal security of the regime. The Western powers, however, were confused about how to influence events in Russia. In January 1919, Lloyd George showed Wilson an intelligence report indicating that the Allied interventions, if not increased massively, would only strengthen the appeal of the Bolsheviks. He favoured negotiation; Clemenceau favoured a stronger intervention.

Given the Bolsheviks’ single-minded dedication to power and ideology (which was, after all, their sole source of legitimacy), it is difficult to imagine how Allied–Soviet friendship, or a compromise settlement among the Russian factions, could have emerged. Nevertheless, the snarled diplomacy of the two sides during the peace conference widened the gap between them. Lenin had postponed his summons to European Socialists to form the Third (or Communist) International (Comintern) until January lest it spoil his efforts to open negotiations with the West. He finally issued the call on January 25, 1919, just as the Paris Peace Conference finally decided to make an initiative. It appeared, therefore, as if Lenin was intent on remaining an international outlaw seeking to destroy the very governments with which he claimed to want normal relations. The Comintern was founded on March 2, and at its second congress (July 1920) Lenin insisted that member parties accede to 21 conditions imposing rigorous Communist discipline and subordinating local parties to the will of Moscow. It divided European Socialists, most of whom rejected the Communists’ violent tactics, Lenin’s dictatorship, or both. From its inception, therefore, the Comintern was an arm of Soviet foreign policy more than a vehicle of Socialist internationalism.