In May 2013 the Obama administration found itself much embattled, as new controversies arose to take their place alongside ongoing attempts by some Republicans—in particular, Rep. Darrell Issa of California in his role as chairman of the House Oversight Committee—not only to find further fault with the State Department and the administration regarding the 2012 attack on the diplomatic post in Benghazi but also to allege that there had been a cover-up in the aftermath of the attack.

At the center of the renewed efforts to prove that the administration had misled the public were recently revealed e-mails that indicated State Department and other administration officials had asked that references to the al-Qaeda-linked group Anṣār al-Sharīʿah and prior warnings of danger be stricken from the talking points to be used by UN Ambassador Susan Rice when she appeared on television news programs several days after the attack. Republican critics alleged that these changes showed that the administration had “scrubbed” Rice’s remarks in order not to tarnish Obama’s record on security during the run-up to the presidential election. The Obama administration dismissed the claims of a cover-up as politically motivated and contended that the process of developing the talking points was concerned not with politics but with differences between individuals in the State Department and Central Intelligence Agency regarding the yet-to-be-understood nature of the attack. (The focus of much Republican criticism regarding the attack was Hillary Clinton, who had resigned as secretary of state in February—to be replaced by John Kerry—but who was a potential candidate for the 2016 presidential election.)

The administration found itself on the defensive when employees of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) were accused of having used excessive scrutiny to delay approval of tax-exempt status for some conservative political groups. Obama condemned this “misconduct” by the IRS as “inexcusable,” requested and received the resignation of the acting commissioner of the IRS, and promised that the Treasury Department would establish safeguards to ensure that such behavior would not recur.

Also troubling for the president were revelations that in spring 2012 the Justice Department had subpoenaed access to the records of some 20 phone lines used by reporters and editors who worked in several offices of the Associated Press without notifying that organization. This action had been taken as part of a widespread investigation into a national-security news leak related to a terrorist plot, hatched and foiled in Yemen, to blow up a U.S.-bound plane. Learning in May 2013 that the Justice Department had subpoenaed access to these phone records without having notified them, representatives of the Associated Press, as well as some legislators from both parties, said that they were deeply disturbed by what they saw as an egregious violation of the freedom of the press. Attorney General Eric Holder (who had earlier recused himself from involvement with the investigation because he had been questioned as part of it) characterized the investigation as involving one of the “most serious leaks” he had ever encountered. The Obama administration responded in part by calling for renewed pursuit of legislation that would create a federal “shield” law to provide the same sort of protection that many state laws provided for the confidentiality of journalists’ sources and communications. All three scandals became the focus of congressional investigations.

June brought a new set of problems for the administration when it was forced to respond to the revelation that the National Security Agency (NSA) had compelled a telecommunications company to turn over metadata (such as numbers dialed and duration of calls) for millions of its subscribers. This secret information was leaked to The Guardian newspaper by American intelligence contractor Edward Snowden, who also disclosed the existence of a program that mined data from Google, Facebook, Microsoft, and other Internet-related companies for the NSA, the FBI, and a British agency. Snowden, who was charged with espionage, ended up in Russia, where he was granted temporary refugee status, further straining relations between that country and the United States, which were already at loggerheads over developments in the Syrian Civil War.

Russia’s continued support of its ally Syria (as well as that of China) prevented the UN Security Council from responding forcefully to the war. Obama, seemingly seeking to avoid open-ended involvement in another Middle Eastern conflict, had been cautious in his response to the situation in Syria, prompting some critics to label him the “avoider-in-chief.” As the death count in Syria rose and reports surfaced of the use of chemical weapons by the forces of Syrian Pres. Bashar al-Assad, the engagement of the U.S. government increased. Food and financial aid from the U.S. were extended to the Syrian opposition in February 2013, and the beginning of military aid was promised in June. Obama had said in May 2012 that what he called his “calculus” for U.S. involvement in Syria would change if “we start seeing a whole bunch of chemical weapons moving around or being utilized.” That “red line” appeared to have been crossed when hundreds of people died allegedly as a result of Syrian government forces’ use chemical weapons in suburban Damascus on August 21, 2013.

On August 30 U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said that the United States had “high certainty” that chemical weapons had been used in the incident and that government forces had carried out the attack. He also reported a death toll (more than 1,400) that was considerably higher than earlier estimates. The Syrian government continued to deny its use of chemical weapons and blamed the opposition. Although the British Parliament had voted against endorsing Prime Minister David Cameron’s call for military intervention in principle, Obama indicated that a U.S. military response would be forthcoming, even without British involvement. French Pres. François Hollande, on the other hand, continued to express support for French involvement in a military response. On August 31 Obama shifted gears and asked for congressional authorization for military action while awaiting the findings of UN weapons inspectors who had returned from Damascus after inspecting the site of the attack. Released on September 16, their report indicated that there was “clear and convincing evidence” that surface-to-surface rockets had delivered the nerve agent sarin in the attack. The report did not indicate blame for the attack. In the meantime, on September 14, Russia and the United States brokered a framework agreement under which the Syrian government would accede to the international Chemical Weapons Convention and submit to the controls of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, release a comprehensive listing of its chemical weapons arsenal within a week, destroy all of its chemical mixing and filling equipment by November, and eliminate all of its chemical weapons by mid-2014. While the Obama administration indicated that the framework included an appeal to the UN Security Council to authorize the use of force should Syria not fulfill the terms of the agreement, the Russian government said it had not agreed to that condition.

The Obama administration’s foreign policy in the region was also being tested by events in Egypt, where the military had removed Pres. Mohamed Morsi from power in July. Because the U.S. government was legally prohibited from providing financial aid (which amounted to more that $1 billion annually for Egypt) to countries whose leadership changed as the result of a coup, the administration hesitated to label the change in power a coup. However, Obama was adamant in urging a swift return to civilian rule, and the stakes went up when hundreds of Morsi’s supporters were killed by government forces in separate incidents in July and August.

Obamacare remained a thorn in the side of Republicans, particularly those associated with the Tea Party movement, who led an attempt to include a one-year delay of funding of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act in a continuing resolution to fund the federal budget that faced an October 1 deadline. The president, for his part, promised to veto the resolution if it contained defunding of Obamacare. After the House Republican majority refused to give up its requirement of a funding delay for Obamacare and the Senate Democratic majority refused to endorse a continuing resolution that included that requirement, the federal government partially shut down for the first time in 17 years, furloughing hundreds of thousands of employees and closing government offices. Obama was adamant that any discussion on the budget would be contingent upon fully reopening the government, and he maintained that stance as the October 17 deadline for extending the national debt ceiling approached and with it the threat of default. On October 16, moderate Republicans voted with Democrats in both houses of Congress to pass a bill forged by Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid that ended the partial shutdown by funding government agencies and offices through January 15, 2014, extended the government’s borrowing power through February 7, and tasked a negotiating committee with coming up with long-term budgetary solutions. By the end of 2013 the House and the Senate had passed the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2013, based on a compromise that replaced the bulk of the automatic spending cuts required by sequestration with targeted cuts and raised discretionary spending (divided evenly between military and nonmilitary funding). The resulting budget was intended to last through the 2014 fiscal year.