The Education Act of 1944 involved a thorough recasting of the educational system. The Board of Education was replaced by a minister who was to direct and control the local education authorities, thereby assuring a more even standard of educational opportunity throughout England and Wales. Every local education authority was required to submit for the minister’s approval a development plan for primary and secondary education and a plan for further education in its area. Two central advisory councils were constituted, one for England, another for Wales. These had the power, in addition to dealing with problems set by the minister, to tender advice on their own initiative. The total number of education authorities in England and Wales was reduced from 315 to 146.

The educational systems of Scotland and Northern Ireland were separate and distinct from that of England and Wales, although there were close links between them. The essential features of the Education Act of 1944 of England and Wales were reproduced in the Education Act of 1945 in Scotland and in the Education Act of 1947 in Northern Ireland. There were such adaptations in each country as were required by local traditions and environment.

The complexity of the education system in the United Kingdom arose in part from the pioneer work done in the past by voluntary bodies and a desire to retain the voluntary element in the state system. The act of 1944 continued the religious compromise expressed in the acts of 1870 and 1902 but elaborated and modified it after much consultation with the parties concerned. The act required that, in every state-aided primary and secondary school, the day should begin with collective worship on the part of all pupils and that religious instruction should be given in every such school. As in earlier legislation, however, there was a conscience clause, and another to ensure that no teacher should suffer because of religious convictions. Religious instruction continued to be given in both fully maintained and state-aided voluntary schools, and opportunities existed for religious training beyond the daily worship and minimum required instruction. In many schools the religious offering became nondenominational, and in areas of high non-Christian immigrant population consideration might be given to alternative religious provisions.

Two fundamental reforms in the act of 1944 were the requirement of secondary education for all, a requirement that meant that no school fees could be charged in any school maintained by public authority; and the replacement of the former distinction between elementary and higher education by a new classification of “three progressive stages to be known as primary education, secondary education, and further education.” To provide an adequate secondary education in accordance with “age, ability, and aptitude,” as interpreted by the Ministry of Education, three separate schools were necessary: the grammar school, modeled on elite public schools; the less intellectually rigorous secondary modern school; and the technical school. If, in exceptional circumstances, such provisions were made in a single school, then the school would have to be large enough to comprise the three separate curricula under one roof. Children were directed to the appropriate school at the age of 11 by means of selection tests.

The tripartite system of grammar, secondary modern, and technical schools did not, in fact, flourish. The ministry had never been specific about the proportion of “technically minded” children in the population but, in terms of school places provided in practice, it was about 5 percent. Since, on the average, grammar school places were available to 20 percent, this left 75 percent of the child population to be directed to the secondary modern schools for which the ministry advocated courses not designed to lead to any form of qualification.

The comprehensive movement

Selection procedures at the age of 11, through what is called the “eleven-plus” examination, proved to be the Achilles’ heel of the grammar school–secondary modern system. Various developments contributed to the downfall of selection at 11: first, the examination successes of the students in modern secondary schools; second, the failure of a significant proportion of the children so carefully selected for grammar schools; and third, the report of a committee appointed by the British Psychological Society, which supported arguments that education itself promotes intellectual development and that “intelligence” tests do not, in fact, measure genetic endowment but rather educational achievement.

The main issue in the 1950s and ’60s was whether or not the grammar schools should be retained with selection at 11-plus. One of the main arguments used was that the right of “parental choice” must be upheld. Another was that it was in the “English tradition” to retain a selective system. But gradually the number of comprehensive (nonselective) schools increased.

During the election of 1964, the Labour Party promised to promote the establishment of the comprehensive school and to abolish selection at 11-plus. Upon taking office, however, the Labour government, instead of legislating, issued a circular in the belief that this would enlist local support and encourage local initiative. The result was conflict between national policy and local policy in some areas. The Conservative government elected in 1970 declared its intention of leaving decisions about reorganization to the local authorities. The comprehensive principle became dominant, and the number of comprehensive schools grew under both Labour and Conservative governments, so that most state-maintained secondary schools were comprehensive. The administrative compromise of leaving organizational options open to local authorities permitted variations to continue, however, and 5 to 6 percent of the school population attended completely independent private schools. Enrollment at the exclusively academic, often prestigious, and costly independent secondary schools might be preceded by attendance at private preparatory schools.

Primary school attendance began at age 5 and was usually divided into an infant stage (ages 5 to 7) and a junior stage (ages 8 to 11). In those few localities using a middle school organization, children attended the middle school from age 8 or 9 to age 13 or 14. Preschool provision was uneven, but a great deal of innovation took place in the ideas and practices of early childhood learning. In the infant school, children worked together with their teacher. Children might be placed together vertically in the same class, like a family group. Play was considered an activity of central significance in the infant school. It was a vehicle for the child’s motivation and learning, carefully structured to promote cognitive development. The teacher’s job was to set the environment through organization of space, time, and materials; to encourage, guide, and stimulate; and to see that all children learn and develop independence and responsibility. Studies were interrelated, and the curriculum was flexible.

The compromise regarding school organization was representative of the British educational administration’s attempt to balance local and national interests delicately. Local education authorities were responsible for basic school operations, and much of the professional responsibility was passed on to the school. This representation of community and professional interest was underscored in policy documents, such as the 1980 Education Act’s stipulation that governing boards include at least two parent and two teacher representatives. Local education authorities maintained a professional administrative staff and administered school finances, which were funded primarily by government grants and local property taxes.

Ultimate authority for education was at the national level, with the Department of Education and Science (formerly the Ministry of Education) headed by the secretary of state for education and science. The department was the agent of governmental policy. It reached schools through circulars and directives as well as through Her Majesty’s Inspectors of Schools. The inspectors increasingly advised and reported on the general condition of schooling.

Under the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher, emphasis was placed on management efficiency. While decentralization applied to operational decisions, the government increasingly pushed for standardization of curriculum and streamlining of assessment procedures. Traditionally, curriculum had been decentralized to the extreme in the United Kingdom, being a matter of teacher’s professional judgment, unified only informally (though effectively) through the influence of teacher training, publicized curriculum projects, textbook choices, and public examination syllabi. This resulted in a great deal of curriculum agreement in the common schooling period, narrowing to a secondary core to age 16, including a wide range of options in the comprehensive school, and different basic curricula in selective systems. Independent schools showed some variations, particularly in the requirement of Latin, and the upper secondary stage was characterized by specialization. Through the 1970s and ’80s, however, there was central pressure on curriculum improvement in science, practical elements, technical and vocational education, and the relationship of education to economic life. Influential publications proposed standardization of the curriculum nationally.

Probably the issue that received the most attention was the relationship of education to the economy, to industry, and to work. Much of the impact of this attention was on the post-compulsory sector. Schemes developed outside the educational establishment provided training for young school-leavers. The Technical and Vocational Education Initiative called for local education authority cooperation with the Manpower Services Commission in the introduction of technical courses that spanned school and post-school training. Reforms to the examination and certification system exemplified the government’s thrust toward improvement of the education–economy link, toward rationalization of the system, and toward coordinated, standardized assessment procedures.