Unitary and federal systems
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- Key People:
- John Marshall
- Sulla
- Louis Brandeis
- William Brennan
- Kapil Sibal
- Related Topics:
- attainder
- judicial review
- due process
- basic law
- ex post facto law
The distinction between unitary and federal states
No modern country can be governed from a single location only. The affairs of municipalities and rural areas must be left to the administration of local governments. Accordingly, all countries have at least two levels of government: central and local. A number of countries also contain a third level of government, which is responsible for the interests of more or less large regions.
The distribution of powers between different levels of government is an important aspect of the constitutional organization of a state. Among states with two levels of government, distinctions can be made on the basis of the greater or lesser autonomy granted to the local level. The British government’s respect for local self-government has always been a characteristic of its constitution. In contrast, France traditionally had kept its local authorities under strict central control. In countries with three levels of government, the distribution of powers between the central and the intermediate governments varies. States formed through the union of formerly independent states usually maintain an intermediate level with considerable legislative, executive, and judicial powers (as in the United States, Argentina, and Switzerland), though some grant few powers to this level. The latter situation occurs often in countries that have introduced the intermediate level as a correction to their previous choice of two levels—as Italy did in its constitution of 1948 and Spain in its constitution of 1978.
Depending on how a constitution organizes power between the central and subnational governments, a country may be said to possess either a unitary or a federal system (see also federalism). In a unitary system the only level of government besides the central is the local or municipal government. Although local governments may enjoy considerable autonomy, their powers are not accorded constitutional status; the central government determines which decisions to “devolve” to the local level and may abolish local governments if it so chooses. In federal systems there is an intermediate level of governmental authority between the central and the local; it usually consists of states or provinces, though other entities (e.g., cantons or republics) may exist in some countries. Aside from the number of levels, the most important distinction between a unitary system and a federal one is that the states or provinces of a federal state have constitutionally protected sovereignty. Within a federal system the state or provincial governments share sovereignty with the central government and have final jurisdiction over a broad range of policy areas.
Federal and unitary systems are ideal types, representing the endpoints of a continuum. Most countries fall somewhere in between the two extremes—states can be more or less unitary or more or less federal. So-called “semifederal” countries occupy a middle category, possessing an intermediate level of government that does not have the same protections of sovereignty that the states or provinces of federal states enjoy.
A proper understanding of these types of constitution requires the consideration of additional features of each type. The model federal state is characterized by the existence, at the national level, of a written, rigid constitution guaranteeing the several intermediate governments not only permanence and independence but also a full complement of legislative, executive, and judicial powers. The national constitution enumerates the powers granted to the central government; the remaining powers are reserved to the intermediate governments at the state or provincial level. These subnational entities are generally represented at the national level, possibly on an equal footing, in a second chamber of the national legislature (often called the upper house, or senate). They also often are central to the process of amending the national constitution. For example, some number of state or provincial legislatures may be required to consent to the ratification of amendments passed by the federal legislature. States or provinces in federal systems also have their own constitutions that define the institutions of their respective governments, as well as the powers that are devolved further to their local governments. Such constitutional arrangements are a guarantee against possible efforts of the central government to enlarge its jurisdiction and so imperil the important political role that intermediate governments play in a federal system. More than formal constitutional safeguards are required to preserve that role. Apart from constitutional amendments, the central government may seek to broaden its own powers through the use of constitutional clauses granting “implied powers.” In some federal states (e.g., Argentina and India), there are emergency provisions by which the central government may suspend the powers of individual state or provincial governments. If abused, these provisions—meant to be used only in cases of rebellion or other severe disturbance against the constitutional order—may seriously compromise the constitutionally enshrined principle of shared sovereignty that is the hallmark of federalism. Even in established federal democracies (e.g., Canada, Germany, and the United States), the exact distribution of powers between levels of government is a matter of constant dispute between central and subnational governments. Disputes about federal-state matters are often the subject of rulings in courts or constitutional tribunals or conferences involving the heads of the central and subnational governments.
Semifederal states are also based, as a rule, on rigid written constitutions granting some limited legislative and administrative (though seldom judicial) powers to the intermediate or regional governments. But because regional governments in semifederal states possess jurisdiction only over enumerated matters (and even here they are subject in part to the overriding powers of the central authorities), their actual role and political influence within the system largely depend on the tendency of the central government to buttress or to restrict their autonomy. Where the powers granted by the constitution to the regional governments are particularly minimal, the semifederal state will look in many respects like a unitary state. Where the powers are relatively large and the central government favours their expansion—perhaps because the central government is itself a coalition of national and regional parties—the state tends to assume federal characteristics, even if the typical hallmarks of the federal system are not present. Spain and Belgium are good examples of semifederal states that have become increasingly more federal in practice.