When voters went to the polls, they punished May. Not only did she not receive her sought-after mandate, but the Conservatives lost their governing majority in the House of Commons, dropping at least 12 seats from their previous representation to fall to 318 seats. Labour, on the other hand, gained at least 29 seats (many at the expense of the United Kingdom Independence Party as well as the Conservatives) to bring its total in the Commons to more than 260. Both the Conservatives and Labour garnered more than 40 percent of the popular vote each—with the Conservatives capturing about 42 percent of the vote and Labour about 40 percent—as the election marked a return to the dominance of the two traditional leading parties.

With May’s electoral gamble having failed and her hand being much weakened for Brexit negotiations, there were calls for her resignation from both within and outside her party. May, however, chose to soldier on and sought to form a minority government (rather than a formal coalition government) with the support of Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), which had gained two seats in the election for a total of 10 seats in the new Parliament. This “confidence and supply” arrangement would mean that the Conservatives could count on about 328 votes on crucial issues (just two more than the 326 seats needed for a majority).

On June 26 May’s government and the DUP leadership came to an agreement under which the DUP would support the government on votes of confidence and votes related to Brexit, security legislation, the budget, and NATO defense spending. In return, the government pledged £1 billion in extra funding for Northern Ireland over the next two years, much of it earmarked for infrastructure spending. That additional funding for Northern Ireland drew criticism from Welsh and Scottish leaders.

Cabinet resignations

As May returned to the business of leading Britain, the central task for her government remained formulating a cohesive approach for Brexit negotiations with the EU. Wide disagreement persisted even within the Conservative Party on a myriad of details related to how the British proposal on separation would address issues such as trade and tariffs, freedom of movement, and the role that EU laws and the European Court of Justice might continue to play for the U.K. The government’s chief Brexit negotiator, David Davis, began discussions with EU counterparts, but back home the debate on details heated up.

In the following months the makeup of May’s cabinet changed dramatically as the result of a number of scandals as well as differences of opinion. In November 2017 Sir Michael Fallon stepped down as defense minister in advance of possible sexual harassment accusations about his conduct earlier in his career, and Priti Patel, the international development secretary, resigned after it was revealed that she had held unauthorized meetings with Israeli politicians. In December, Damian Green, the first secretary of state, quit his position as a consequence of allegations that he had downloaded pornography onto his House of Commons computer. There were calls for the resignation of party chairman Sir Patrick McLoughlin after he was blamed for providing inadequate security for the Conservative Party Conference in Manchester in October 2017, when May was interrupted by a pranking comedian who came within touching distance during her keynote address. After initially refusing to step down, McLoughlin resigned in January 2018 during a cabinet reshuffle that had been sparked by Green’s resignation and had included the departure of Justine Greening as education secretary.

The novichok attack in Salisbury, air strikes in Syria, and the Windrush scandal

In March 2018 Sergei Skripal, a former Russian intelligence officer who had acted as a double agent for Britain, and his daughter were found unconscious in Salisbury, England. Investigators determined that the pair had been exposed to a “novichok,” a complex nerve agent that had been developed by the Soviets. Although the Russian government denied having any involvement with the attack, May expelled nearly two dozen Russian intelligence operatives who had been working in Britain under diplomatic cover.

In April the prime minister ordered British air forces to join the United States and France in the strategic air strikes against sites in Syria that were being undertaken in response to evidence that the regime of Syrian Pres. Bashar al-Assad had again used chemical weapons on its own people, in the town of Douma earlier in the month. Corbyn was critical of May’s use of force without having first sought approval from Parliament. Calling the decision to join the strike “not just morally right but also legally right,” May argued that the action had to be carried out without seeking parliamentary approval in order to protect the integrity of the strike and to forestall further human suffering.

April also brought the fallout from another scandal. This time Amber Rudd, the home secretary and a key ally of May, was forced to resign because of her role in the implementation of the government’s controversial policy regarding individuals who had immigrated to Britain from the Caribbean in the 1950s and ’60s. Because the paperwork had been lost for members of this “Windrush generation” (named for the ship that had brought many of them to the U.K.), they were declared illegal immigrants and subject to deportation despite their decades-long residence in Britain. Opponents tried to pin some of the blame on May, who had overseen the Home Office during the period when the immigrants’ records were lost. She apologized for any “anxiety” that had been caused for the immigrants as a result of the lost records and the policy.

The Chequers plan

On July 6 May summoned her cabinet to the prime minister’s country retreat, Chequers, in an attempt to forge a consensus on the details of the government’s Brexit plan. The “hard” Brexiters among the group pushed back against May’s attempts to adopt “softer” policies aimed at preserving economic ties with the EU (Johnson reportedly was especially obstinate). By the gathering’s end, however, the cabinet appeared to be all on the same page. The working document that emerged from the meeting committed Britain to “ongoing harmonisaton” with EU rules and called for the creation of a “joint institutional framework” under which agreements between the U.K. and EU would be handled in the U.K. by British courts and in the EU by EU courts. Although the proposal mandated that Britain would regain control over how many people could enter the country, it also outlined a “mobility framework” that would permit British and EU citizens to apply for work and for study in each other’s territories.

The apparent consensus was short-lived. On July 8 Brexit secretary Davis resigned, complaining that May’s plan gave up too much, too easily. Johnson then stepped down as foreign secretary the next day, writing in his letter of resignation that the dream of Brexit was dying, “suffocated by needless self-doubt.” May replaced Davis with Dominic Raab, a staunch advocate of Brexit. To address Johnson’s departure, she reassigned long-serving health secretary Jeremy Hunt. With May facing the possibility of broader mutiny in her party that threatened to result in a vote of confidence on her leadership, she reportedly admonished Conservatives to support her plan or run the risk of being replaced by a Corbyn-led Labour government.