Retrenchment of the 1970s of Josip Broz Tito
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- Alpha History - Josip Tito
- University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill - Center for European Studies - Background: Tito’s Yugoslavia
- Academia - The Image of Josip Broz Tito in Post-Yugoslavia: Between National and Local Memory
- History Learning Site - Biography of Josef Tito
- GlobalSecurity.org - Tito's Yugoslavia
- Original name:
- Josip Broz
- Born:
- May 7, 1892, Kumrovec, near Zagreb, Croatia, Austria-Hungary [now in Croatia]
- Died:
- May 4, 1980, Ljubljana, Yugoslavia [now in Slovenia]
- Also Known As:
- Josip Broz
- Title / Office:
- president (1953-1980), Yugoslavia
- Founder:
- Partisan
- Political Affiliation:
- Communist Party of Yugoslavia
News •
Tito’s response to the crises of the 1960s and early ’70s was to fashion a system of “symmetrical federalism,” in which various internal rules and rituals (including a rotating presidency to lead Yugoslavia after Tito’s death) were supposed to formalize equality among the six republics and Serbia’s two autonomous provinces (Kosovo and the Vojvodina). This system, enshrined in the constitution of 1974, promoted the weaker and smaller federal units at the expense of the big two—Serbia and Croatia. Serbia’s displeasure at the independent role assigned to its autonomous provinces and the promotion of minority identity (especially that of the Albanians in Kosovo) was felt already in Tito’s last years, but it became radicalized after his death in 1980. Serb resentment provided the opening for Slobodan Milošević and other promoters of recentralization, who contributed greatly to the undoing of Tito’s federal system during the following decade.
Legacy
The irony of Tito’s remarkable life is that he created the conditions for the eventual destruction of his lifelong effort. Instead of allowing the process of democratization to establish its own limits, he constantly upset the work of reformers while failing to satisfy their adversaries. He created a federal state, yet he constantly fretted over the pitfalls of decentralization. He knew that the Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, and others could not be integrated within some new supranation, nor would they willingly accept the hegemony of any of their number; yet his supranational Yugoslavism frequently smacked of unitarism. He promoted self-management but never gave up on the party’s monopoly of power. He permitted broad freedoms in science, art, and culture that were unheard of in the Soviet bloc, but he kept excoriating the West. He preached peaceful coexistence but built an army that, in 1991, delivered the coup de grâce to the dying Yugoslav state. At his death, the state treasury was empty and political opportunists unchecked. He died too late for constructive change, too early to prevent chaos.
Ivo Banac