Human rights in the Arab world
- Key People:
- Ales Bialiatski
- Ethel Kennedy
- Troy Perry
- Judith Heumann
- Nadia Murad
News •
In September 1968 the Council of the League of Arab States created the Arab Commission on Human Rights. Its main purposes were to inform the Arab public about and otherwise promote human rights, not to monitor the human rights practices of the Arab states or to challenge their violations of human rights when found. Primarily the commission has been preoccupied with the rights of Arabs living in Israeli-occupied territories.
On May 22, 2004, however, the Arab League adopted the Arab Charter on Human Rights, which entered into force on March 15, 2008. The charter affirms the principles set forth in the International Bill of Human Rights—including, for example, the right to liberty and security of persons, equality of persons before the law, protection of persons from torture, the right to own private property, freedom to practice religion, and freedom of peaceful assembly and association.
At the same time, the charter does not prohibit cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishments, fails to extend rights to noncitizens in many areas, and authorizes restrictions on freedom of thought, conscience, and religion that exceed what is deemed permissible under international human rights law. Furthermore, the charter relegates many important rights issues to the discretion of national legislation—e.g., the death penalty against children and the rights of men and women in marriage.
Additionally, the charter affirms the principles set forth in the 1990 Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam, a declaration of the member states of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference that provides an Islamic perspective on human rights and affirms that all the rights and freedoms mentioned in the declaration are subject to Sharīʿah, or Islamic law, stated in Article 25 to be “the only source of reference for the explanation or clarification of any of the articles of [the] Declaration.” Accordingly, though using universalist language akin to that found in the International Bill of Human Rights, the Arab charter is imbued with an “Islamic particularity.” It also expresses Arab concern regarding territorial disputes between Israel and the Palestinians. Thus, its controversial Article 2(3) provides that
all forms of racism, Zionism and foreign occupation and domination constitute an impediment to human dignity and a major barrier to the exercise of the fundamental rights of peoples; all such practices must be condemned and efforts must be deployed for their elimination.
The charter also provides for the election of a seven-person Committee of Experts on Human Rights, which is empowered to request and study reports and to submit its own findings to the commission. No other institutions or procedures for monitoring human rights are specified in the charter, however. In this sense as well as others, the Arab human rights system compares unfavourably with its European, Inter-American, and African counterparts.
Human rights in Asia
Despite efforts by NGOs and the United Nations, Asian states were at best ambivalent—and at worst hostile—to human rights concerns over many years, thus precluding agreement on almost all regional human rights initiatives. But in early 1993, anticipating the World Conference on Human Rights held in Vienna later that year, a conference of Asia-Pacific NGOs adopted an Asia-Pacific Declaration of Human Rights, and in 1998 another meeting of NGOs adopted an Asian Human Rights Charter. Both of these initiatives supported the universality and indivisibility of human rights. However, while the first initiative called for the creation of a regional human rights regime, the second urged instead the establishment of national human rights commissions and so-called “People’s Tribunals,” which would be based more on moral and spiritual foundations rather than on legal ones.
The states of Asia were slow to respond to these initiatives. Their positions were indicated at a UN-sponsored workshop in 1996, where the 30 participating states concluded that “it was premature…to discuss specific arrangements relating to the setting up of a formal human rights mechanism in the Asian and Pacific region.” The same states agreed, however, to “[explore] the options available and the process necessary for establishing a regional mechanism”—a promise that echoed a similar pledge made by ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) following the 1993 UN World Conference on Human Rights.
More than 14 years later, in November 2007, ASEAN’s 10 member states adopted the ASEAN Charter, which, following its entry into force in December 2008, gave ASEAN legal personality, established its organizational framework and procedures, and provided for a human rights body that would promote and protect human rights as signaled in the charter’s preamble, purposes, and principles. In October 2009 ASEAN’s member states formally established the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, and in November 2012 they adopted ASEAN’s first-ever Human Rights Declaration.
In Southeast Asia and around the world, however, ASEAN’s declaration has been greeted with skepticism. Many respected rights groups, including Amnesty International , criticized the declaration for being an unhappy compromise between ASEAN’s communist and noncommunist member state; for containing language both too broad and too restrictive to guarantee people’s rights; and for otherwise falling short of international human rights standards. Of particular concern were provisions that called for rights to be enjoyed in a “balanced” way, subject to “national and regional contexts” and deferential to “different cultural, religious and historical backgrounds,” thus challenging the quintessential universality of human rights. Additionally, critics challenged the declaration for having been drafted in a non-inclusive, non-transparent manner, and they faulted ASEAN’s charter for failing to mandate powers sufficient for its enforcement. Accordingly, they called upon ASEAN leaders to return the declaration to the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights explicitly to redraft the declaration in an inclusive and transparent manner and in keeping with internationally recognized human rights law and standards.
Not to be overlooked, however, are other developments bearing upon human rights instruments and mechanisms in Southeast Asia, specifically in relation to particular groups of people. In January 2007 members of ASEAN adopted a common declaration in which they recognized the need for a new instrument to protect and promote the rights of migrant workers. In April 2010, the ASEAN Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women and Children was inaugurated in Hanoi.
International human rights in domestic courts
Using domestic courts to clarify and safeguard international human rights is a relatively new and still evolving approach to human rights advocacy, particularly when civil as distinct from criminal litigation is called into play. In addition to the inevitable interpretative problems involved in applying norms fashioned in multicultural settings, controversial theories about the interrelation of national and international law, as well as many procedural difficulties, burden the human rights claimant in this setting. To be sure, significant progress has been made, as is perhaps best evidenced, at least insofar as the United States is concerned, in the far-reaching decision handed down by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in Filártiga v. Peña-Irala (1980). In that case, the court interpreted a theretofore obscure provision of the Judiciary Act of 1789 known as the Alien Tort Statute (ATS) as allowing foreign victims of human rights abuses by foreign wrongdoers in foreign countries to seek civil remedies in the U.S. judicial system, holding that the “well-established universal” prohibition of torture under customary international law, which applies regardless of the nationality of the victim or the perpetrator (at least in the case of private litigants), must be honoured in U.S. courts—an outcome akin to an assertion of universal criminal jurisdiction, as confirmed by sympathetic rulings following Filártiga.
In 1998–99, in keeping with Filártiga, the United Kingdom’s highest tribunal, the Law Lords of the British House of Lords, captured international attention when, in response to an extradition request by a Spanish court, it upheld the arrest in England of former Chilean president Augusto Pinochet on charges of torture and conspiracy to commit torture in violation of international treaty law. Although Pinochet was later returned to Chile for reasons of ill health and was declared by a Chilean court to be mentally unfit to stand trial, the Law Lords’ ruling established the precedent that former heads of state do not enjoy immunity from prosecution, at least for systematic human rights crimes—a principle now enshrined in the workings of the International Criminal Court. In addition, a considerable number of British cases, decided in the absence of national legislation expressly enabling claims for extraterritorial human rights abuses and therefore based on principles of common-law tort, have revealed a willingness to hold corporations liable for human rights violations perpetrated abroad. European Union (EU) regulations and civil-law cases within EU member states, assisted by broadened EU and member-state laws regulating tort cases, are similarly inclined, even to the point of referencing customary international law to reinforce legislative intent and allow for universal civil jurisdiction on a “necessity basis.”
Yet, in two prominent human rights cases in the United States, Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain (2004) and Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum (2013), the U.S. Supreme Court moved in the opposite direction, limiting the jurisdictional foundation upon which Filártiga and its progeny rest. Kiobel, the more unfriendly of the two, was a class-action suit on behalf of Nigerian residents who had peacefully protested devastating health and environmental harms resulting from unregulated oil drilling by Royal Dutch Petroleum (RDP; now Royal Dutch Shell PLC) in their homeland, the Ogoniland region of the Niger River delta. The plaintiffs alleged that RDP—which was incorporated in the United Kingdom and headquartered in the Netherlands—had armed, financed, and conspired with Nigeria’s then military dictatorship to suppress the protests and accused the Nigerian authorities of having committed between 1992 and 1995, with RDP’s assistance and complicity, crimes against humanity (including torture and extrajudicial executions), false arrests, and other violations of international law against the Ogoni people. Refusing, however, to follow the Filártiga precedent by invoking a canon of statutory interpretation known as the “presumption against extraterritorial application” (when legislation gives no clear contrary mandate), the Supreme Court, in a splintered decision, held that, because “all the…conduct took place outside the United States,” the ATS did not apply, and it therefore decided in favour of RDP. Accordingly, the court paid no heed to customary international law as authorized in the ATS. Additionally, but without explanation, it rejected a universal-jurisdiction reading of the ATS, seemingly even in suits claiming exceptionally heinous human rights crimes.
Informed observers responding to Kiobel appear generally to have agreed upon at least four implications of the court’s reasoning in the case: (1) that foreign corporations would thenceforth be largely, if not completely, insulated from U.S. prosecution under the ATS for human rights violations committed against foreign nationals in foreign countries, (2) that U.S. corporations would not be so insulated, (3) that the development of litigation in Europe and elsewhere outside the United States would be affected by Kiobel only slightly, if at all, and (4) that the applicability of Kiobel to foreign natural persons, never addressed by the court, was uncertain. There also was substantial agreement that the court’s stated rationales for its decision—the minimization of “international friction” and related separation-of-powers concerns—were insufficient to justify eliding more than three decades of established ATS precedent. Consequently, other rationales have since been advanced, as have also credible proposals for circumventing Kiobel’s actual and potential rationales in favour of laws protecting against at least severe human rights violations anywhere in the world—as the United States already has done to some extent with respect to genocide and war crimes. In these lights, it is not unreasonable to suggest that, with creative and persistent effort, human rights advocacy via domestic courts, supplementing other domestic-law processes and focused especially on severe human rights abuses, is within reach within the United States as well as beyond. If this be so, then human rights can be made to respond more effectively to the multiple ways in which vulnerability is enacted and entrenched in a world with a long and savage record of human abuse.