Pompey the Great

Pompey the Great (born September 29, 106 bce, Rome—died September 28, 48 bce, Pelusium, Egypt) was one of the great statesmen and generals of the late Roman Republic, a triumvir (61–54 bce) who was an associate and later an opponent of Julius Caesar. He was initially called Magnus (“the Great”) by his troops in Africa (82–81 bce), and he assumed the cognomen Magnus after 81.

Early career

Pompey belonged to the senatorial nobility, although his family first achieved the office of consul only in 141. Fluent in Greek and a lifelong and intimate friend of Greek literati, he must have had the normal education of a young Roman nobleman, and his early experience on the staff of his father, Pompeius Strabo, did much to form his character, develop his military capabilities, and arouse his political ambition. The family possessed lands in Picenum, what is now the Marches region of eastern Italy, and a numerous body of clients, which Strabo greatly enlarged in the year of his consulship. In a civil war (88–87) between the rival generals Lucius Sulla and Gaius Marius, Strabo defied Sulla and favoured the Marians and a fellow general.

After his father’s death, however, Pompey detached himself from the Marians. A report that he was “missing” in Cinna’s army, when it was embarking for the Balkans to deal with Sulla, led to the lynching of Cinna by his troops (84). Pompey’s part in this mutiny is unclear. He next appears with three legions recruited in Picenum, joining Sulla as an independent ally in the campaign to recover Rome and Italy from the Marians (83). Sulla made ample use of his youthful ally’s military abilities. Pompey married Sulla’s stepdaughter. On Sulla’s orders the Senate gave Pompey the job of recovering Sicily and Africa from the Marians—a task he completed in two lightning campaigns (82–81). Pompey ruthlessly executed Marian leaders who had surrendered to him. To his enemies he was Sulla’s butcher; to the troops he was “Imperator” and “Magnus.” From Africa Pompey demanded that a triumph be given him in Rome; he refused to disband his army and appeared at the gates of Rome, obliging Sulla to yield to his demand. After Sulla’s abdication, Pompey supported the renegade Sullan Marcus Lepidus for the consulship of 78. Once in office Lepidus attempted revolution, and Pompey promptly joined the forces of law and order against him. The rising crushed, however, Pompey refused to disband his army, which he used to bring pressure on the Senate to send him with proconsular power to join Metellus Pius in Spain against the Marian leader Sertorius.

The reconquest of Spain taxed Pompey’s military skill and strained his own and the state’s resources to the utmost. In the end it was he, not Metellus, who imposed on Spain a settlement reflecting and promoting his own political aims. His policy was one of reconciliation and rehabilitation. His personal authority and patronage now covered Spain, southern Gaul, and northern Italy. Unlike Metellus, Pompey took his army back to Italy with him, ostensibly to assist in putting down a slave revolt led by Spartacus but in reality to secure a triumph and election to the consulship for 70. The nobles whom Sulla had restored to power had proved to be more corrupt and incompetent than ever. Pompey promised reforms at home and abroad. A bargain was struck with his rival Marcus Licinius Crassus (who had actually defeated Spartacus), the two were jointly elected consuls, and Pompey was given another triumph. During their joint consulate, they substantially repealed Sulla’s political reforms by restoring the powers of the tribunes and stripping senators of their monopoly as jurors on standing courts.

Reorganization of the East

Although the nobles were to continue to dominate the consular elections in most years, the real sources of power henceforth lay outside of Italy. Extraordinary commands would have to be created if Rome was to recover control of the sea from pirates. It was Pompey who benefited most from the restoration of tribunician initiative. After his consulship, he waited in Rome while rival nobles undermined the position of Lucius Licinius Lucullus, who was campaigning against Mithradates in Anatolia, and made halfhearted attempts to deal with the pirates. Finally, in 67, the tribune Aulus Gabinius forced a bill through the popular assembly empowering Pompey to settle the pirate problem.

Pompey was still in the East, resettling pirates as peaceful farmers, when in Rome another tribune, Gaius Manilius, carried through, against weakened opposition, a bill appointing Pompey to the command against Mithradates, with full powers to make war and peace and to organize the whole Roman East (66). Pompey displaced Lucullus and lost no time defeating Mithradates in Asia Minor. After the death of Mithradates in 63, Pompey was free to plan the consolidation of the eastern provinces and frontier kingdoms. For 6,000 talents he set up King Tigranes in Armenia as a friend and ally of Rome—and as his own protégé. Pompey rejected the Parthian king’s request to recognize the Euphrates as the limit of Roman control and extended the Roman chain of protectorates to include Colchis, on the Black Sea, and the states south of the Caucasus. In Anatolia, he created the new provinces of Bithynia-Pontus and Cilicia. He annexed Syria and left Judaea as a dependent, diminished temple state. The organization of the East remains Pompey’s greatest achievement. His sound appreciation of the geographical and political factors involved enabled him to impose an overall settlement that was to form the basis of the defensive frontier system and was to last, with few important changes, for more than 500 years.

Pompey’s power and prestige were at their height in December 62, when he landed at Brundisium (Brindisi) and dismissed the army. His third triumph (61) trumpeted the grandeur of his achievement. The following decade was the period of his ascendancy in Italy, an ascendancy that was to be eroded through Caesar’s growing military power and gradual capture of Pompey’s worldwide clientelae, from the power base Caesar, in turn, created in northern Italy and Gaul. Pompey’s inveterate enemies in Rome were the Optimates, the inner ring of nobles, not Crassus or Caesar, who had merely tried to steal the limelight in Pompey’s absence and to maneuver into a better position for bargaining with their former political ally. The nobles meanwhile had gradually reasserted their dominance in Rome and hampered attempts to alleviate the condition of Italy and the Roman populace. Once back in Italy, Pompey avoided siding with popular elements against the Optimates. He was no revolutionary. He wanted all classes to recognize him as first citizen, available for further large-scale services to the state. He had divorced his third wife, Mucia, allegedly for adultery with Caesar, and now proposed to ally himself by marriage to the party of the young senatorial leader Marcus Porcius Cato the Younger. But the nobles were closing their ranks against him, and his offer was rebuffed. Lucullus and others were determined to prevent the en bloc ratification of Pompey’s eastern settlement and to reject his demand for land for his veterans.

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